1	Chapter 13 Urban Patterns
2	Urban Patterns A large city is stimulating and agitating, entertaining and frightening, welcoming and cold. A city has something for everyone, but a lot of those things are for people who are different from you. Urban geography helps to sort out the complexities of familiar and unfamiliar patterns in urban areas
3	Key Issues Where have urban areas grown? Where are people distributed within urban areas? Why do inner cities have distinctive problems? Why do suburbs have distinctive problems?
4	Urban Geographers Geographers help explain what makes city and countryside different places. Urban geographers are interested in the where question at two scales. First, geographers examine the global distribution of urban settlements. Geographers are also interested in where people and activities are distributed within urban spaces. Models have been developed to explain why differences occur within urban areas. The major physical, social, and economic contrasts are between inner-city and suburban areas. We all experience the interplay between globalization and local diversity of urban settlements.
5	Urban Geographers Continued Many downtowns have a collection of high-rise buildings, towers, and landmarks that are identifiable even to people who have never visited them. On the other hand, suburban houses, streets, schools, and shopping centers look very much alike from one American city to another. In more developed regions, people are increasingly likely to live in suburbs. People wish to spread across the landscape to avoid urban problems, but at the same time they want convenient connections to the city’s jobs, shops, culture, and recreation. Geographers describe where different types of people live and try to explain the reasons for the observed patterns. Although different internal structures characterize urban areas in the United States and elsewhere, the problems arising from current spatial trends are quite similar.
6	Urban Settlements Urbanization Increasing urban percentage Increasing urban populations Defining urban settlements Social differences between urban and rural settlements Physical definitions of urban settlements
7	Percent Urban Population
8	Increasing Percentage of People in Cities The world map of percentage urban looks very much like the world map of percentage of workers in services. The percentage of urban dwellers is high in more developed countries because over the past 200 years rural residents have migrated from the countryside to work in the factories and services that are concentrated in cities. In more developed countries the process of urbanization that began around 1800 has largely ended, because the percentage living in urban areas simply cannot increase much more. As in more developed countries, people in less developed countries are pushed off the farms by declining opportunities. However, urban jobs arc by no means assured in LDCs experiencing rapid overall population growth.
9	Large Cities
10	Percent Urban by Region
11	Defining Urban Settlements Defining where urban areas end and rural areas begin is difficult. Geographers and other social scientists have formulated definitions that distinguish between urban and rural areas according to social and physical factors.
12	Social Differences between Urban and Rural Settlements Louis Wirth argued during the 1930s that an urban dweller follows a different way of life from a rural dweller, (and) defined a city as a permanent settlement that has three characteristics: large size, high population density, and socially heterogeneous people.
13	Large Size If you live in a rural settlement, you know most of the other inhabitants and may even be related to many of them. In contrast, if you live in an urban settlement, you can know only a small percentage of the other residents. You meet most of them in specific roles. Most of these relationships are contractual.
14	High Density According to Wirth, high density also produces social consequences for urban residents. Each person in an urban settlement plays a special role or performs a specific task to allow the complex urban system to function smoothly. At the same time, high density also encourages people to compete for survival in limited space. Social groups compete to occupy the same territory, and the stronger group dominates.
15	Social Heterogeneity A person has greater freedom in an urban settlement than in a rural settlement to pursue an unusual profession, sexual orientation, or cultural interest. Regardless of values and preferences, in a large urban settlement individuals can find people with similar interests. Yet despite the freedom and independence of an urban settlement, people may also feel lonely and isolated. Wirth’s three-part distinction between urban and rural settlements may still apply in LDCs. But in more developed societies, social distinctions between urban and rural residents have blurred.
16	Physical Definitions of Urban Settlements The removal of walls and the rapid territorial expansion of cities have blurred the traditional physical differences. Urban settlements today can be physically defined in three ways: by legal boundary, as continuously built-up area, and as a functional area.
17	Legal Definition of a City The term city defines an urban settlement that has been legally incorporated into an independent, self-governing unit. In the United States, a city that is surrounded by suburbs is sometimes called a central city.
18	Urbanized Area An urbanized area consists of a central city plus its contiguous built-up suburbs where population density exceeds 1,000 persons per square mile (400 persons per square kilometer). Approximately 60 percent of the U.S. population lives in urban areas, divided about equally between central cities and surrounding jurisdictions. Working with urbanized areas is difficult because few statistics are available about them. Urbanized areas do not correspond to government boundaries.
19	St. Louis Metropolitan Area
20	Megalopolis
21	Urban Structure Three models of urban structure Concentric zone model Sector model Multiple nuclei model Geographic applications Use of the models outside North America European cities Less developed countries
22	Three Models of Urban Structure Sociologists, economists, and geographers have developed three models to help explain where different types of people tend to live in an urban area: the concentric zone, sector, and multiple nuclei models. The three models describing the internal social structure of cities were all developed in Chicago, a city on a prairie. Except for Lake Michigan to the east, few physical features have interrupted the region’s growth. The three models were later applied to cities elsewhere in the United States and in other countries.
23	Concentric Zone Model
24	Sector Model
25	Multiple Nuclei Model
26	Geographic Applications of the Models The three models help us understand where people with different social characteristics tend to live within an urban area. Effective use of the models depends on the availability of data at the scale of individual neighborhoods. Urban areas in the United States are divided into census tracts, which contain approximately 5,000 residents and correspond where possible to neighborhood boundaries. Every decade, the U.S. Bureau of the Census publishes data summarizing the characteristics of the residents living in each tract.
27	Social Area Analysis- Indianapolis: Percent Renters
28	Indianapolis: Household Income
29	Indianapolis: Ethnic Patterns
30	Use of the Models outside North America American urban areas differ from those elsewhere in the world. Social groups in other countries may not have the same reasons for selecting particular neighborhoods. As in the United States, wealthier people in European cities cluster along a sector extending out from the CBD. In Paris, for example, the rich moved to the southwestern hills to be near the royal palace. The preference was reinforced in the nineteenth century during the Industrial Revolution Factories were built to the south, east, and north along river valleys, but relatively few were built on the southwestern hills.
31	European Cities Similar high-class sectors developed in other European cities, typically on higher elevation and near royal palaces. However, in contrast to most U.S. cities, wealthy Europeans still live in the inner rings of the high-class sector, not just in the suburbs. A central location provides proximity to the region’s best shops, restaurants, cafes, and cultural facilities. By living in high-density, centrally located townhouses and apartments, wealthy people in Europe do not have large private yards and must go to public parks for open space. To meet the desire for large tracts of privately owned land, some wealthy Europeans purchase abandoned farm buildings in clustered rural settlements for use as second homes on weekends and holidays. In the past, poorer people also lived in the center of European cities. Social segregation was vertical: Richer people lived on the first or second floors, while poorer people occupied the dark, dank basements, or they climbed many flights of stairs to reach the attics. During the Industrial Revolution, housing for poorer people was constructed in sectors near the factories.
32	Professionals in Glasgow
33	Less Developed Countries In LDCs, as in Europe, the poor are accommodated in the suburbs, whereas the rich live near the center of cities, as well as in a sector extending from the center. The similarity between European and LDC cities is not a coincidence. Most cities in less developed countries have passed through three stages of development—before European colonization, during the European Colonial period, and since independence.
34	Pre-Colonial Cities Before the Europeans established colonies, few cities existed in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, and most people lived in rural settlements. Cities were also built in South and East Asia, especially India, China, and Japan. Cities were often laid out surrounding a religious core, such as a mosque in Muslim regions. Government buildings and the homes of wealthy families surrounded the mosque and bazaar. Families with less wealth and lower status located farther from the core, and recent migrants to the city lived on the edge. Commercial activities were arranged in a concentric and hierarchical pattern: Higher-status businesses directly related to religious practices were located closest to the mosque. In the next ring, were secular businesses. Food products were sold in the next ring, then came blacksmiths, basket makers, and potters. A quarter would be reserved for Jews, a second for Christians, and a third for foreigners.
35	Pre-Colonial Mexico City When the Aztecs founded Mexico City—which they called Tenochtitlán—the settlement consisted of a small temple and a few huts of thatch and mud west of present-day downtown Mexico City on a hill known as Chapultepec. Forced by other people to leave the hill, they migrated a few kilometers south. Then in 1325 (they moved) to a marshy . . . island in Lake Texcoco. Over the next two centuries the Aztecs conquered the neighboring (territories). The Aztecs built elaborate stone houses and temples in Tenochtitlán. The node of religious life was the Great Temple. The main market center, Tlatelolco, was located at the north end of the island. Most merchandise crossed from the mainland to the island by boat. The island itself was laced with canals to facilitate pickup and delivery of people and goods. An aqueduct brought fresh water from Chapultepec.
36	Fès (Fez), Morocco
37	Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
38	Latin America Colonial cities followed standardized plans. All Spanish cities in Latin America, for example, were built according to the Laws of the Indies, drafted in 1573. Cities were to be constructed (on) a gridiron street plan centered on a church and central plaza, and neighborhoods centered around smaller plazas with parish churches or monasteries. After the Spanish conquered Tenochtitlán they destroyed the city, and dispersed or killed most of the inhabitants. The city renamed Mexico City, was rebuilt around a main square, called the Zócalo, in the center of the island, on the site of the Aztecs’ sacred precinct. The Spanish reconstructed the streets in a grid pattern extending from the Zócalo.
39	Latin American City Model
40	Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
41	Mexico City
42	Squatter Settlements The LDCs are unable to house the rapidly growing number of poor. A large percentage of poor immigrants to urban areas in LDCs live in squatter settlements. Squatter settlements have few services, because neither the city nor the residents can afford them. Electricity service may be stolen by running a wire from the nearest power line. In the absence of bus service or available private cars, a resident may have to walk two hours to reach a place of employment. At first, squatters do little more than camp on the land or sleep in the street. Families then erect primitive shelters with scavenged (materials). The percentage of people living in squatter settlements, slums, and other illegal housing ranges from 33 percent in São Paulo, Brazil, to 85 percent in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, according to a U.N. study.
43	Key Issue 3: Inner Cities Inner-city physical problems Deterioration process Urban renewal Inner-city social problems Underclass Culture of poverty Inner-city economic problems Annexation
44	Inner-City Physical Problems - Process of Deterioration The major physical problem faced by inner-city neighborhoods is the poor condition of the housing, most of which was built before 1940. As the number of low-income residents increase in the city, the territory they occupy expands. Middle-class families move out of a neighborhood to newer housing farther from the center and sell or rent their houses to lower-income families.
45	Filtering Large houses built by wealthy families in the nineteenth century are subdivided by absentee landlords into smaller dwellings for low-income families. This process of subdivision of houses and occupancy by successive waves of lower-income people is known as filtering. Landlords stop maintaining houses when the rent they collect becomes less than the maintenance cost. The building soon deteriorates and grows unfit for occupancy. At this point in the filtering process the owner may abandon the property, because the rents that can be collected are less than the cost of taxes and upkeep. Governments that aggressively go after landlords to repair deteriorated properties may in fact hasten abandonment, because landlords will not spend money on repairs that they are unable to recoup in rents. These inner-city neighborhoods that housed perhaps 100,000 a century ago contain less than 10,000 inhabitants today. Schools and shops close because they are no longer needed . . . with rapidly declining populations. Through the filtering process, many poor families have moved to less deteriorated houses farther from the center.
46	Redlining Some banks engage in redlining—drawing lines on a map to identify areas in which they will refuse to loan money. Although redlining is illegal, enforcement of laws against it is frequently difficult. The Community Reinvestment Act requires banks to demonstrate that inner-city neighborhoods within its service area receive a fair share of its loans.
47	Urban Renewal North American and European cities have demolished much of their substandard inner-city housing through urban renewal programs. The land is then turned over to private developers or to public agencies, to construct new buildings or services. In the United States, public housing is reserved for low-income households, who must pay 30 percent of their income for rent. Public housing accounts for only 2 percent of all dwellings, although it may account for a high percentage of housing in inner-city neighborhoods. In the United Kingdom more than one-third of all housing is publicly owned. Private landlords control only a small percentage of housing in the United Kingdom.
48	Public Housing In Western Europe, governments typically do not own the housing. Instead, they subsidize construction cost and rent for a large percentage of the privately built housing. The U.S. government has also provided subsidies to private developers, but on a much smaller scale than in Europe. Most of the high-rise public-housing projects built in the United States and Europe during the 1950s and early 1960s are now considered unsatisfactory environments for families with children. Some observers claim that the high-rise buildings caused the problem, because too many low-income families are concentrated into a high-density environment. Public- housing authorities have demolished high-rise public-housing projects in recent years in. . . U.S. and European cities. Cities have also experimented with “scattered-site” public housing, in which dwellings are dispersed throughout the city rather than clustered in a large project. In recent years the U.S. government has stopped funding new public housing.
49	Public Housing Supply The supply of public housing and other government- subsidized housing diminished by approximately 1 million units between 1980 and 2000. But during the same period, the number of households needing low-rent dwellings increased by more than 2 million. In Britain the supply of public housing, has also declined. The government has forced local authorities to sell some of the dwellings to the residents. But at the same time, the British have expanded subsidies to nonprofit housing associations. Urban renewal has been criticized for destroying the social cohesion of older neighborhoods and reducing the supply of low-cost housing. Most North American and European cities have turned away from urban renewal since the 1970s.
50	Renovated Housing In some cases, nonprofit organizations renovate housing and sell or rent them to low-income people. But more often, the renovated housing attracts middle-class people. Most cities have at least one substantially renovated inner-city neighborhood where middle-class people live. In a few cases, inner-city neighborhoods never deteriorated, because the community’s social elite maintained them as enclaves of expensive property. The process by which middle- class people move into deteriorated inner-city neighborhoods and renovate the housing is known as gentrification. Gentrified inner-city neighborhoods also attract middle-class individuals who work downtown. Cities encourage the process by providing low-cost loans and tax breaks. Public expenditures for renovation have been criticized as subsidies for the middle class at the expense of poor people, who are forced to move . because the rents are suddenly too high for them.
51	Inner-City Social Problems – The Underclass Beyond the pockets of gentrified neighborhoods, inner cities contain primarily low-income people who face a variety of social problems. Inner-city residents constitute a permanent underclass who live in a culture of poverty. Inner-city residents frequently are referred to as a permanent underclass because they are trapped in an unending cycle of economic and social problems.
52	Lack of Job Skills The future is especially bleak for the underclass because they are increasingly unable to compete for jobs. The gap between skills demanded by employers and the training possessed by inner-city residents is widening. Inner-city residents do not even have access to the remaining low-skilled jobs, such as custodians and fast-food servers, because they are increasingly in the distant suburbs.
53	Homeless Some of the underclass are homeless. Accurate counts are impossible to obtain, but an estimated one to two million Americans sleep in doorways, on heated street grates, and in bus and subway stations. Homelessness is an even more serious problem in less developed countries. Most people are homeless because they cannot afford housing and have no regular income. Roughly one-third of U.S. homeless are individuals who are unable to cope in society after being released from hospitals or other institutions.
54	Culture of Poverty Inner-city residents are trapped as permanent underclass because they live in a culture of poverty. Unwed mothers give birth to two-thirds of the babies in U.S. inner-city neighborhoods, and 90 percent of children in the inner city live with only one parent. Because of inadequate child-care services, single mothers may be forced to choose between working to generate income and staying at home to take care of the children. In principle, government officials would like to see more fathers living with their wives and children, but they provide little incentive for them to do so. If the husband moves back home, his wife may lose welfare benefits, leaving the couple financially worse off together than apart.
55	Dayton, Ohio, Inner City
56	Ethnic and Racial Segregation Many neighborhoods in the United States are segregated by ethnicity. Even small cities display strong social distinctions among neighborhoods. A family seeking a new residence usually considers only a handful of districts, where the residents’ social and financial characteristics match their own. Segregation by ethnicity explains voting patterns in many American urban areas. The concentration of low-income residents in inner-city neighborhoods . . . require public services, but they can pay very little of the taxes to support the services. A city has two choices to close the gap between the cost of services and the funding available from taxes.
57	Inner-City Economic Problems One alternative is to reduce services. Aside from the hardship imposed on individuals laid off from work, cutbacks in public services also encourage middle-class residents and industries to move from the city. The other alternative is to raise tax revenues. Because higher tax rates can drive out industries and wealthier people, cities prefer instead to expand their tax base, especially through construction of new CBD projects. Inner-city fiscal problems were alleviated by increasing contributions from the federal government during the 1950s and 1960s. Federal aid to U.S. cities declined by two-thirds during the 1980s when adjusted for inflation. To offset a portion of these lost federal funds, some state governments increased financial assistance to cities.
58	Growth of Chicago
59	Key Issue 4: Problems of Suburbs The peripheral model Density gradient Cost of suburban sprawl Suburban segregation Transportation and suburbanization Motor vehicles Public transportation Local government fragmentation Metropolitan government Growing smart
60	Peripheral Model of Urban Areas
61	Density Gradient As you travel outward from the center of a city, you can watch the decline in the density at which people live. This density change in an urban area is called the density gradient. According to the density gradient, the number of houses per unit of land diminishes as distance from the center city increases. Two changes have affected the density gradient in recent years. First, the number of people living in the center has decreased. The density gradient thus has a gap in the center, where few live. Second is the trend toward less density difference within urban areas.
62	Cleveland, Ohio, 1900–1990
63	Suburban Development in the U.S. and U.K.
64	Sprawl also wastes land Some prime agricultural land may be lost through construction of isolated housing developments; in the interim, other sites lie fallow, while speculators await the most profitable time to build homes on them. The low-density suburb also wastes more energy, especially because the automobile is required for most trips. The supply of land for construction of new housing is more severely restricted in European urban areas . . . by designating areas of mandatory open space. London, Birmingham, and several other British cities are surrounded by greenbelts, or rings of open space. New housing is built either in older suburbs inside the greenbelts or in planned extensions to small towns and new towns beyond the greenbelts. Restriction of the supply of land . . . has driven up house prices in Europe.
65	Suburban Segregation The modern residential suburb is segregated in two ways. First, residents are separated from commercial and manufacturing activities. Second, a given suburban community is usually built for people of a single social class, with others excluded by virtue of the cost, size, or location of the housing. The homogeneous suburb is a twentieth-century phenomenon. In older cities, activities and classes were more likely to be separated vertically rather than horizontally. Poorer people lived on the higher levels or in the basement, the least attractive parts of the building.
66	Suburban Economic Segregation Once cities spread out over much larger areas, the old pattern of vertical separation was replaced by territorial segregation. Large sections of the city were developed appealing to people with similar incomes and lifestyles. Zoning ordinances, developed in Europe and North America in the early decades of the twentieth century, encouraged spatial separation. They prevented mixing of land uses within the same district. The strongest criticism of U.S. residential suburbs is that low-income and minority people are unable to live in them because of the high cost of the housing and the unfriendliness of established residents. Legal devices, such as requiring each house to sit on a large lot and the prohibition of apartments, prevent low-income families from living in many suburbs.
67	Contribution of Transportation to Suburbanization Urban sprawl makes people more dependent on transportation for access to work, shopping, and leisure activities. More than half of all trips are work-related. Shopping or other personal business and social journeys each account for approximately one-fourth of all trips. Historically, the growth of suburbs was constrained by transportation problems. People lived in crowded cities because they had to be within walking distance of shops and places of employment. Cities then built street railways and underground railways. Many so-called streetcar suburbs built in the nineteenth century still exist and retain unique visual identities.
68	Motor Vehicles The suburban explosion in the twentieth century has relied on motor vehicles rather than railroads, especially in the United States. Rail and trolley lines restricted suburban development to narrow ribbons within walking distance of the stations. Motor vehicle ownership is nearly universal among American households. Outside the big cities, public transportation service is extremely rare or nonexistent. The U.S. government has encouraged the use of cars and trucks by paying 90 percent of the cost of limited-access high-speed interstate highways (and) by policies that limit the price of fuel to less than one half the level found in Western Europe.
69	Cars: The Preferred Mode of Transportation The motor vehicle is an important user of land in the city. An average city allocates about one- fourth of its land to roads and parking lots. European and Japanese cities have been especially disrupted by attempts to insert new roads and parking areas in or near to the medieval central areas. Technological improvements may help traffic flow. Computers mounted on the dashboards alert drivers to traffic jams and suggest alternate routes. On freeways, vehicle speed and separation from other vehicles can be controlled automatically. The inevitable diffusion of such technology in the twenty-first century will reflect the continuing preference of most people in MDCs to use private motor vehicles rather than switch to public transportation.
70	Public Transportation Because few people in the United States live within walking distance of their place of employment, urban areas are characterized by extensive commuting. As much as 40 percent of all trips made into or out of a CBD occur during four hours of the day—two in the morning and two in the afternoon. Rush hour, or peak hour, is the four consecutive 15-minute periods that have the heaviest traffic. Public transportation is better suited than motor vehicles to moving large numbers of people. But most Americans still prefer to commute by car. Public transportation is cheaper, less polluting, and more energy-efficient than the automobile. Its use is increasingly confined in the United States to rush-hour commuting by workers in the CBD.
71	Rush-Hour Commuting Automobiles have costs beyond their purchase and operation: delays imposed on others, increased need for highway maintenance, construction of new highways, and pollution. Yet despite the obvious advantages of public transportation for commuting, ridership in the United States declined from 23 billion per year in the 1940s to 8 billion in 2002. The number of U.S. and Canadian cities with trolley service declined from approximately 50 in 1950 to 8 in the 1960s. General Motors acquired many of the privately owned streetcar companies and replaced the trolleys with buses that the company made. Bus ridership declined from a peak of 11 billion riders annually in the late 1940s to 6 billion in 2001. Commuter railroad service, like trolleys and buses, has also been drastically reduced in most U.S. cities.
72	New Rapid Transit Lines The one exception to the downward trend in public transportation is rapid transit. Cities such as Boston and Chicago have attracted new passengers through construction of new subway lines and modernization of existing service. Entirely new subway systems have been built in recent years in U.S. cities, including Atlanta, Baltimore, Miami, San Francisco, and Washington, D.C. The federal government has permitted Boston, New York, and other cities to use funds originally allocated for interstate highways to modernize rapid transit service instead. Subway rider-ship in the United States has increased 2 percent each year since 1980.
73	Trolleys The trolley—now known (as fixed light-rail transit—is making a modest comeback in North America. However, new construction in all 10 cities amounted only to about 200 kilometers (130 miles) since 1980, and rider-ship in all cities combined is 1 million a day. California, the state that most symbolizes the automobile-oriented American culture, leads in construction of new fixed light-rail transit lines. Los Angeles—the city perhaps most associated with the motor vehicle—has planned the most extensive new light-rail system but construction is very expensive, and the lines (will) serve only a tiny percentage of the region.
74	Service Versus Cost Low-income people tend to live in inner-city neighborhoods, but the job opportunities are in suburban areas not well served by public transportation. Despite modest recent successes, most public transportation systems are caught in a vicious circle, because fares do not cover operating costs. As patronage declines and expenses rise, the fares are increased, which drives away passengers and leads to service reduction and still higher fares. The United States does not fully recognize that public transportation is a vital utility deserving of subsidy to the degree long assumed by European governments.
75	Public Transport in Brussels
76	Local Government Fragmentation & Metropolitan Government The fragmentation of local government in the United States makes it difficult to solve regional problems of traffic, solid-waste disposal, and construction of affordable housing. The large number of local government units has led to calls for a metropolitan government that could coordinate—if not replace—the numerous local governments in an urban area. Most U.S. metropolitan areas have a council of government, which is a cooperative agency consisting of representatives of the various local governments in the region. Strong metropolitan-wide governments have been established in a few places in North America. Two kinds exist: federations and consolidations.
77	Federations Toronto, Ontario, has a federation system. The region’s six local governments are responsible for police, fire, and tax-collection services. A regional government, known as the Metropolitan Council, or Metro, sets the tax rate borrows money for new projects. Metro shares responsibility with local governments for public services, such as transportation, planning, parks, water, sewage, and welfare.
78	Consolidations Several U.S. urban areas have consolidated metropolitan governments; Indianapolis and Miami are examples. Both have consolidated city and county governments.
79	Growing Smart Several U.S. states have taken strong steps in the past few years to curb sprawl, reduce traffic congestion, and reverse inner-city decline. Legislation and regulations to limit suburban sprawl and preserve farmland has been called smart growth. Maryland enacted especially strong smart growth legislation in 1998. State money must be spent to “fill in” already urbanized areas. Oregon and Tennessee have defined growth boundaries within which new development must occur. New Jersey, Rhode Island, and Washington were also early leaders in enacting strong state-level smart-growth initiatives.
80